Opinions

 Korean Conflict: What was the real cause?*

By Arturo Sampana

Image © knightlab.com
This is an alternative view about the root cause of the Korean War – BD Admin

ASIAN leaders were relieved over the recent historic move of North and South Korean leaders to end their conflict and talk peace.

Immediately, Association of Southeast Asian Nations leaders congratulated the effort of the two Korean heads of state to talk peace “as an encouragement to proceed with the talks.”

North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and South Korean President Moon Jae-in had pledged to work towards the “complete denuclearization” of the Korean peninsula and the signing of a peace treaty this year.

But many would ask: What was the real cause of the “Korea Conflict?”

Nowhere has the secret society manipulation’s of both sides of a conflict been more evident than in Korea in the early 1950s.

As in the Persian Gulf and Vietnam, official semantics termed this conflict a mere “police action,” not a war. Both war cost the American nation a total of at least 34,000 lives.

Much documentation now exists to show that the Korean conflict was the result of careful planning by men whose control extended to both the United States and the Soviet Union. This conflict began with the founding of the United Nations (UN), which was identified as a coalition against Germany, Italy, and Japan, the Axis powers; at the end of World War II.

US President Woodrow Wilson © en.wikipedia.org

The UN organization was merely an outgrowth of the old League of Nations (LN), that failed attempt to unite the fledgling world government was instigated by Woodrow Wilson and members of the Milner-Rhodes secret societies. The LN concept was resurrected at the UN during the distraction of the world war when representatives from the United States, the Soviet Union, Great Britain, and Chiang Kai-shek’s China met at the Dumbarton Oaks estate near Washington, DC, from August 21 to October 7, 1944.

A primary mover of this and subsequent actions to establish a UN was John Foster Dulles, who had helped found the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR).

A participant in the 1917 Versailles Peace Conference, Dulles also created the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) which provided the legal rationale for the war in Vietnam.

Further details of UN operations were worked out during the pivotal Yalta Conference in February 1945. It was in the secret protocols of the Yalta Conference that then great powers – the United States, Soviet Union and the United kingdom – agreed to partition Korea along the Thirty-eighth Parallel and allowed the Soviet Union and China control over the North.

It is interesting to note that the partition had been contemplated a year earlier.

An April 1944 article in Foreign Affairs called for “a trusteeship for Korea… assumed not by a particular country, but by a group of Powers, say, the United States, Great Britain, China and Russia.” The CFR leadership realized that the American public might not agree to war should such a “trusteeship” be challenged and began to develop a rationale for intervention.

An internal 1944 CFR memo stated that the “sovereignty fetish” and the “difficulty… arising from the Constitutional provision that only Congress may declare war” may be reversed with “the contention treaty that would overrule this barrier. Our participation in such police action as might be recommended by [an] international security organization need not necessarily be construed as war.”

“It is not unreasonable to say that there never would have been a Communist regime in North Korea, nor would there ever have been a Korean War, had American negotiations [led by CFR members] and lend-lease shipments not brought the USSR into the Pacific theater,” commented one observer.

The formation of the UN began two months after Yalta at the United Nations Conference on International Organization was held in San Francisco.

A resulting charter was signed in June and went into effect October 24, 1945, little more than two months after World War II ended. The UN was created “essentially by the Council of Foreign Relations,” wrote Ralph Epperson, an American writer and conspiracy theorist.

“There were 47 members in the American delegation to the UN conference at San Francisco.”

Their “senior adviser” was John Foster Dulles.

“Emboldened by his formidable achievements, Dulles viewed his appointment as secretary of state by President Eisenhower, in January, 1953, as a mandate to originate foreign policy, which is normally regarded as the domain of the president,” stated The New Encyclopaedia Britannica.

Considering Dulles and the other CFR members behind the creation of the UN, it is no surprise to find that organization today supervising the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (commonly called the World Bank) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The UN also houses a number of social agencies including the International Labor Organization (ILO), Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF).

In 1947, following a breakdown in negotiations over reunification, the matter of Korea was turned over to the UN.

By 1949 both the United States and the Soviet Union had largely withdrawn wartime occupation troops from the Korean peninsula. The U.S. withdrawal left a mere 16,000 South Koreans armed with mostly small arms to face a North Korean communist army of more than 150,000 armed with up-to-date Russian tanks, planes, and artillery.

When General Albert C. Wedemeyer, sent by President Truman to evaluate the situation, reported that the communists represented direct threat to the South, he was ignored and his report kept from the public.

In January 1950 North Korean premier Kim Il-sung proclaimed a “year of unification” and began massing troops along the Thirty-eighth Parallel.

As in the future Persian Gulf war, the CFR-filled U.S. State Department did nothing. Truman’s secretary of state, CFR member Dean Acheson, stated publicly that Korea was outside the defensive perimeter of the United States.

“This gave a clear signal to Kim, who invaded the South that June under Soviet auspices,” wrote Perloff.

American leaders professed surprise and anger over the June 25 North Korean assault and called for an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council, then composed of the U.S., Great Britain, France, the Soviet Union, and Nationalist China.

The council, with the Soviet Union absent and China represented only by anti-communist Chiang Kai-shek, voted for UN intervention in Korea.

It has been noted by conspiracy authors that this vote could have been prevented by a Russian veto. But strangely, Soviet delegates had staged a walkout in protest that Communist China had not been recognized by the UN. Soon after this vote for UN-backed conflict, the Soviet delegates returned, even though the People’s Republic of China still had not been recognized.

On June 27, with UN sanction, President Truman ordered American troops to assist the UN “police action” of defending South Korea. Through July and August, the outnumbered and outgunned South Korean Army, along with the four ill-equipped American divisions sent by Truman, were pushed down to the tip of the Korean peninsula. The situation looked bad until mid-September when General Douglas MacArthur launched a brilliant and daring attack on Inchon Harbor, located midway up the peninsula, that broke the North Korean battle line and cut their supply routes.

Chairman Mao Tse-tung © Encyclopedia Britannica

Badly shattered, the North Koreans pulled back with the UN troops— 90 percent of which were Americans—close behind. As the fight crossed the Thirty-eighth Parallel, China’s Mao Tse-tung warned that any movement to the Yalu River bordering China by UN forces would be unacceptable.

On November 25, nearly 200,000 Chinese “volunteers” crossed the Yalu and smashed into the unprepared UN troops. Another 500,000 followed in December.

Again the Americans and their allies were pushed back but managed to regroup and later counter attacked back to the Thirty-eighth Parallel. The war then settled into a series of actions back and forth across the contested parallel.

As in Vietnam, the U.S. military was hamstrung with policy decisions which prevented them from fully prosecuting the Korean conflict. But, unlike in Vietnam, a military leader of considerable standing balked at these restrictions and appealed directly to the American public for support.

General MacArthur, the hero of World War II, ordered the Air Force to bomb the Yalu River bridges, which would have cut China’s supply and communication lines. He appealed to sympathetic congressmen to support his military actions and to allow the Nationalist Chinese on Taiwan to launch a second front against China to relieve pressure on Korea.

The official response to MacArthur was swift in coming. MacArthur’s bombing orders were canceled by General George Marshall (father of the Marshall Plan to rebuild Europe after World War II and a CFR member who had been called out of retirement by President Truman to serve as Secretary of Defense). This was the same Marshall who, as Army Chief of Staff, reportedly received advance word of the attack on Pearl Harbor.

MacArthur was ordered not to bomb key Chinese supply bases and to order pilots not to chase fleeing enemy aircraft.

Chinese commander General Lin Piao was to say later, “I never would have made the attack and risked my men and my military reputation if I had not been assured that Washington would restrain General MacArthur from taking adequate retaliatory measures against my lines of supply and communication.”

US Gen. Douglas MacArthur © biography.com

MacArthur’s appeal to the public resulted in his dismissal by President Truman on April 10, 1951. He was replaced by General Matthew B. Ridgeway, who later became a CFR member.

The MacArthur plan for a diversionary attack by Taiwan was never to be. This plan had been blocked by an order from Truman only two days after the North Koreans attacked.

According to government documents, Truman said, “I have ordered the Seventh Fleet to prevent any attack on Formosa |now Taiwan]. As a corollary of this action, I am calling upon the Chinese Government on Formosa to cease all air and sea operations against the mainland. The Seventh Fleet will see that this is done.”

General Marshall also rejected an offer by Chiang Kai-shek to send Nationalist Chinese to aid Americans in Korea.

Added to these incomprehensible orders restricting military options, was the amazing fact that Russian commanders were running the conflict on both sides. Under the agreement at Yalta and due to their supplying North Korea with military hardware and technology, Soviet military officers were largely in control of the war.

Author Epperson cited a Pentagon press release which identified two Soviet officers as being in charge of movements across the Thirty-eighth Parallel. One, a General Vasilev, actually was overheard giving the order to attack on June 25,1951.

General Vasilev’s chain of command reached from Korea to Moscow to the UN Undersecretary General for Political and Security Council Affairs. At this same time, General MacArthur’s chain of command went through President Truman to the UN Undersecretary General for Political and Security Council Affairs, an office held at that time by Russian Constantine Zinchenko. This meant that Soviet officers were overseeing the North Korean war strategy while reporting back to a fellow Soviet officer in the same UN office that coordinated the allied war effort.

“In effect, the Communists were directing both sides of the war,” wrote author Griffin.

What past conspiracy authors failed to consider was the evidence that Communist Russia was financed and controlled from the beginning by the inner circle of America’s modern secret societies. The war finally settled into a stalemate which ended with an armistice signed on July 27, 1953, six months after General Dwight Eisenhower had become president of the U.S.

MacArthur, noting that for the first time in its military history, the United States had failed to achieve victory, was later to state, “Never before has this nation been engaged in mortal combat with a hostile power without military objective, without policy other than restrictions governing operations, or indeed without even formally recognizing a state of war.”

This set a precedent in the United States which continues to haunt us to this day.

But was there again a hidden purpose to this seemingly pointless conflict, one that reached into the upper circles of the secret societies? A 1952 Foreign Affairs article explained, “the meaning of our experience in Korea as I see it, is that we have made historic progress toward the establishment of a viable system of collective security.”

So Korea was another step forward in realizing the CFR goals of one-world government backed by an implied military command as with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).

CFR member Dean Acheson later admitted, “The only reason I told the President to fight in Korea was to validate NATO.”

Both NATO and the United Nations resulted from the most momentous event of the twentieth century—World War II—and once again the diligent researcher finds the unmistakable imprint of the secret societies.

 

 The opinion of this author is his/hers alone. It is not necessarily the views of Beyond Deadlines.

 

Arturo Sampana
Art C. Sampana is a former correspondent of the Philippine Daily Inquirer. He is a writing fellow at the Likhaan: University of the Philippines Institute of Creative Writing. His works were published in the Wall Street Journal (Hong Kong and New York Editions), Philippine Daily Express, Inquirer, and Republika among others. He is currently a correspondent of The Manila Times, the country's oldest newspaper.

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